Historically, gender quota in politics is divided into three phases in Pakistan. The Phase one involves reservation of minimal 3% of quota for women in national and provincial assemblies under first constitution of Pakistan, 1956. Which was later revised as 2.75% quota in national assembly and 5% in provincial assemblies provided in constitutions of 1962 and 1973. In the Second Phase, women quota in the politics increased up to 10% in 1985 for the period of 10 years. This of course, was also the time when international organisations such as the UN were beginning to recognise the importance of women in public life. In the Third and current phase, Pakistan adopted the Gender Reform Action Plan (GRAP) funded by Asian Development Bank in 2002 and which become the part of PSDP in 2005. GRAP proposed four central policy reform areas in gender and governance. Top of the list was “to improve women’s representation and participation in political and administrative structures”. Therefore, Under the Conduct of General Elections Order 2002, the number of seats in the Senate, National Assembly of Pakistan and all four Provincial Assemblies was increased, considerably.
 |
| fig: Women Political Quota |
- The quota for women’s political participation has played a vital role in bringing women into decision making positions at the local, provincial, and national levels.
- The increasing number of women parliamentarians have influenced government to do pro-women policy making, since last decade.
- There has been observed high level of legislative performance of female representatives, as compared to male colleagues.
- Women’s presence in elected political institutions in Pakistan at the national and provincial level in such a substantial number has had a hugely positive impact in transforming the socio-political perceptions about women capabilities. Recently, the election of Dr. Fehmida Mirza as the Speaker of the National Assembly had reinforced positive perceptions of women’s abilities, particularly the ability of decision-making.
- This place has been earned by women themselves, through a long hard struggle and through their collective, steady and patient journey to get organized, seen and heard, and recognized while living under and constantly confronting the most oppressive patriarchal socio-political and familial structures and shrunk spaces in society for almost three decades.
Problems of Women political quota
- The quota provisions in Pakistan are problematic, as an indirect selection for reserved seats takes place by the male party leadership.
- This representation of women via reserved seats works against the spirit and commitment towards the empowerment of women as they are not elected directly by the people.
- Not being directly elected by voters also means they are not true representatives of the socio-cultural class of the majority women of Pakistan.
- Most of the women who have served in legislative bodies have come from already influential political families (Benazir Bhutto, Maryam Nawaz, Hina Rabbani Khar, Tehmina Daultana, Syeda Abdia Hussain, Fahmida Mirza, etc.)
- The proportion of party nominations for women to compete for general seats is still less than it is for men, which indicates less trust with regard to women’s abilities to win elections.
- Within political parties, women’s wings have a less effective role in the decision-making process, tending to fulfill representative functions rather than executive ones. So, there is no political legitimacy without general seat.
- Male dominated political parties in Pakistan serve as key gate keepers and obstacles to women’s substantive political representation. So, there is a growing number of women contesting as independent candidates, not on party tickets.
- Quotas are also called undemocratic, as they take away voters right to decide who is elected. quotas imply that politicians are elected because of their gender and not because of their qualifications; and in this way more qualified candidates are pushed aside. Thus, quotas violate the principles of liberal democracy.
